Security and Post-Conflict Reconstruction (Routledge Global Security Studies)

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Contents

  1. Recommended For You
  2. Conflict, Security & Development Research Group
  3. Advisory Board
  4. Feminist Security Studies - International Relations - Oxford Bibliographies

Not knowing means having to deal with that doubt and, therefore, the eminent discovery of its existence. In Brazil, groups made up of relatives of victims of armed violence, mostly women and especially mothers, are an example of this.

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Together with other social movements and agents in civil society, these groups fight for justice and memory and against violence Moura et. The use of firearms is frequently related to cultural-based views of masculinity in which firearms are associated with virility. Some boys see weapons as a powerful way of obtaining status, power and access to material goods and women Barker, In line with this violent and armed form of masculinity, some adult men acquire guns as an integral part of the construction and perception of their roles as protectors Kimmel, Armed violence and the ownership and use of firearms are, therefore, also a product of gender constructions, based on the exacerbation of a hegemonic and militarized form of masculinity associated with familiarity and fascination with firearms Connell, , and on the persistence of subaltern groups of male and female subjects over whom male power is exerted.

According to Vanessa Farr,. It hides the fact that the abuse of women and other oppressed people in times of peace is only a less intense expression of the full-scale violence that erupts in times of war — which means that war is not so much an aberration as an exaggeration, in organized form, of the violence, often facilitated by prolific guns, that exists even in nonwarring societies.

Despite its local nature, armed violence is a global phenomenon due to its prevalence as well as its dependence on and connection with scenarios of war, peace and post-war where the legal and illegal trade in drugs and small arms, militarization, gender power imbalance and social exclusion are on the increase and exacerbated.

However, with this example, we do not wish to conceal other dimensions of armed violence as Resolution does , or minimize the importance of structural violence in maintaining gendered violence, both in times of war and of peace. They are a driving force perpetuating war. They are among the causes of war. This is not, of course, to say that gender is the only dimension of power dimension implicated in war.

It is not to diminish the understood importance of economic factors particularly an ever-expansive capitalism and antagonisms between ethnic communities, states and blocs particularly the institution of the nation-state as causes of war. This neglect contributes to the naturalization of micro-level violence, experienced at the interpersonal level by both women and men worldwide, thereby constituting one of the mechanisms of perpetuation of spirals of violence.

Similarly, efforts to increase female participation and representation are mainly directed towards states and, more specifically, towards the processes of conflict prevention and resolution. By articulating what should be required from member states regarding the protection of women i. The emphasis on the need to protect women in the context of armed violence ignores the fact that women are not more vulnerable in times of war per se : they become more vulnerable because of preexisting inequalities, originating from gender power hierarchies, which are also present in so-called peaceful societies Puechguirbal, It also ignores the way various types of violence structure the lives of individuals worldwide, and the situations where women actively participate in the subordination of other women and men.

As stated in the introduction to a volume of the International Feminist Journal of Politics dedicated exclusively to the analysis of Resolution ,. Women continue to be represented in UNSCR and related mainstream policy documents solely in gendered terms. An articulation of the intersections between gender and other social categories and structures along which oppression, marginalization and violence occur including nationality, class, ethnicity, religion, sexuality and age is completely absent and even actively prevented in such representations.

By camouflaging the power relations in play at the global and regional level and their role in the production of violence both direct and structural or symbolic , this association between the international stage and conflict perpetuates the division and hierarchical relationship between the international and national spheres.

These, as N. Puechguirbal explains,. Puechguirbal, Concepts of reconstruction and rehabilitation may be misnomers in the case of women.

Conflict, Security & Development Research Group

Both concepts assume an element of going back, restoring to a position or capacity that previously existed. But this is not necessarily what women seek. Chinkin, These understandings not only essentialize women as peaceful civilian victims, under the protection of male soldiers, militarized states and male representatives in the United Nations Security Council, but also silence gender attitudes which glorify male violence, consent to violence against women and support socioeconomic gender inequalities which affect men and women in contexts of armed conflict, post-war and peace.

This ultimately signifies the negation of female agency and the perpetuation of stereotypes such as women-pacificists-victims and men-aggressors-protectors. Another problem of gender mainstreaming is its alignment with international neoliberal norms which seek to integrate women into western markets, including in armed conflict or post-war contexts True, As a result of the internalization of these norms by western countries, gender inequality is essentially seen as a problem of developing countries.

Advisory Board

She also questions the instrumentalization of gender discriminatory practices, such as , which do not take into account other factors of structural violence and especially its effects in maintaining global hierarchies, explaining that the mandate to eradicate gender violence and empower women can ultimately justify external military intervention Harrington, Of these, only two countries, Portugal and the Philippines, mention measures to be taken at the national level in order to address gender violence in the internal sphere, centered on the regulation of small arms and light weapons.

In the first case, there is only a vague reference 16 in the Action Plan Framework section Portuguese Government, 4 , which is not fleshed out in the program part of the Plan.

In the second case, there is a specific objective regarding gendered armed violence in the country, more specifically the promotion of investigation into female victimization as a result of the use of firearms, and the evaluation and reinforcement of laws concerning the ownership and use of firearms, both nationally and internationally Philippines Government, 4 and 5.

These policies have in some way become an internationally legitimized application of what L. Thus, we wish to draw attention to the structural, cultural and ideological foundations of violence and politicize them. Consequently, repressive strategies for fighting violence have been favored, such as the approval of tougher prevention measures and the adoption of more rigorous policing models Small Arms Survey, It was a large-scale project inspired by Mano Dura , based on the transfer of weapons and preparation and training of police and military forces in Mexico and Central America, which fostered repression and human rights violations Fitzpatrick Behrens, However, the continuum of violence experienced by women and girls in these contexts is a synthesis of the main social ingredients of violence and its cultural base.

Therefore, alongside an in-depth knowledge of the involvement of men and boys in armed violence, a clear understanding of the needs, rights and vulnerabilities of women and girls is essential for a general reduction of armed violence. One of the main implications of effectively taking into account the continuum of armed and gender-based violence in non-war contexts is the fact that states will have to be responsible for creating nationwide policies designed to combat and prevent armed violence in the domestic sphere.

As with other human rights agreements, UNSCR may be symbolically important, giving weight to campaigns that seek to change or reinforce national laws and policies. From a national and local point of view, the recognition of armed gendered violence would involve, for example, support for research and the development of local policies and programs with the objective of curbing and preventing this type of violence supply and demand in conjunction with international measures.

Another crucial aspect is the improvement of national legislation regarding the right to bear firearms, through the introduction of stricter criteria which would exclude people with a history of domestic or community violence from obtaining licenses. In addition, structural violence in the contradiction identified by Wacquant should be taken into account, as should the lack of attention given to access to education, justice and job opportunities, as well as the pernicious results of security privatization.

We also want to highlight the dangers inherent in the dichotomous approaches that characterize mainstream analyses of armed violence in scenarios of peace, which set up an opposition between expressions of armed violence that receive great attention and are the object of generally repressive public security policies, on the one hand, and, on the other, expressions of micro-level violence that are less direct, and as a result of their marginalization perpetuate vicious cycles of armed violence, making it difficult to devise more effective ways of preventing and combating it.

In other words, most National Action Plans refer to countries other than the ones which drafted the Plans in the first place. However, threats and insecurities experienced by women, girls and subordinate men, particularly those that stem from the dissemination and use of light weapons, are common in various contexts besides war zones. By recognizing the existence of these contexts, characterized by the presence and frequent use of firearms and the perpetuation of a war system that maintains and reproduces the marginalization of women and violence by and against men generally poor and young , we have shown the restrictive and perverse nature of the traditional definitions of war and peace, and emphasized the need to broaden the horizons when analyzing violent phenomena and designing mechanisms for preventing and combating violence in those places.

This would oblige states to consider Resolution beyond the field of foreign policy, reflecting on its meanings and implications in the respective national contexts, and taking into account the continuum of manifestations of violence. In other words, the Resolution's contribution is limited by the definitions and concepts which guide and structure it, and does not change the way in which gender, violence and security are understood and applied.

By ignoring the abovementioned expressions of violence and the established relations between war and peace, by favoring the experiences of some women at the expense of others and neglecting men, and by confirming the responsibility of the international community materialized above all in the United Nations Security Council to guide belligerent countries towards peace, Resolution continues to be insufficient in terms of its scope and ambition, and perpetuates the war system which it is supposed to confront and dismantle. Consulted Ayoob, M.

London: Routledge. Carranza, M. Oslo: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. Moser and F. Clark eds. Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence. London: Zed Books, Oxford: University of Oxford. Connell, R. Berkeley: University of California Press. Rio de Janeiro: 7 Letras. New York: Zed Books. Goldstein, Joshua S. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Greene, Owen; Marsh, Nicholas eds. Global Governance and the Threat of Armed Violence.

Special report No. Geneva: Small Arms Survey.


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Gumru, Belgin F. Consulted on Koonings, Kees; Kruijt, Dirk eds. London: Zed Books. Small Arms, Crime and Conflict. Global governance and the threat of armed violence. Beginning in the late s and early s, feminist scholars critiqued mainstream IR theories i. The issue marks the starting point for scholarship on women and international relations. As the scholarship continued to evolve and develop, so too did different feminist approaches to security including liberal, critical, constructivist, post-colonial, and post-structural approaches.

Feminist research also uses different methodologies quantitative methods, case studies, interviews, narratives, and so forth. In utilizing a gender analysis, feminist scholars increasingly focused on security broadly defined, leading to the emergence of feminist security studies FSS.

A broader conception of security encompasses elements such as human security, domestic violence, economic security, social security, and environmental security as well as the security of the state. Feminist scholars also recognize that the security of the state can lead to insecurity of women and other marginalized groups. Blanchard presents a comprehensive review of feminist security theory, which challenges the key concepts of traditional international relations IR : security, peace and war.

The edited volume Sjoberg makes the case for the centrality of gender in the study of international security, instead of as a subcategory of the field of security studies. There are common themes for feminist security studies FSS while recognizing the different strands of feminist work in IR, as demonstrated by the different feminist perspectives of the contributing authors. Goldstein utilizes scholarship from different disciplines i. Sylvester examines the tensions in feminism and feminist IR, including the historical connection of feminism with peace and nonviolence yet noting that feminist IR research increasingly has demonstrated how women participate in political violence and support wars.

Three special forums and issues of journals present overviews of the state of feminist security studies, in terms of theory and policy. Blanchard, Eric M. DOI: This article provides an outstanding overview of the feminist security theory FST scholarship that emerged in the s and early s, demonstrating that this scholarship has challenged traditional IR conceptions of security by questioning who is being secured, specifically the connection between gender and power in IR.

Goldstein, Joshua S. This book provides an excellent analysis of the role of gender not just women in war and an overview of feminist theories. Importantly, this work examines how gender roles in war are found across cultures, and tests hypotheses on the factors that explain the link between gender and war, including biology, social identity of groups, and militarized masculinity, as well as the causes of wartime sexual violence. Hansen, Lene, and Louise Olsson, eds. Special Issue: Gender and Security.

Feminist Security Studies - International Relations - Oxford Bibliographies

Security Dialogue In all these articles, the authors address the connection between gender, security, and insecurity. Shepherd, Laura J. International Studies Perspectives Sjoberg, Laura, ed. Gender and International Security: Feminist Perspectives.